Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line

U.S. Anti-Revisionism


The New Communist Movement: The Movement Proliferates

The documentary record of the New Communist Movement in the 1970’s presents a rich tapestry of groups, collectives, organizations, “pre-party formations”, and even parties, struggling to master the Marxist-Leninist tradition as they interpreted it and apply it to the conditions of their work.

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Many of these groups were local collectives which arose out of the mass struggles of the 1960’s and subsequently turned to Marxism-Leninism in the 1970’s as these mass movements began to ebb. Some of these groups managed to develop strong ties in the workplaces and communities in which they worked and had a significant public presence. Others operated in a semi-clandestine fashion, through union caucuses and/or as fractions in “mass organizations.”

Some of these New Communist Movement groups were overwhelmingly white; others, however, were composed predominantly of people of color, such as the Revolutionary Workers League, the August 29th Movement, Wei Min She, El Comité, the Japan Town Collective and I Wor Kuen.

While aware of the developing party-building projects of the Communist League, Revolutionary Union and October League (documented in subsequent sections of EROL), the vast majority of these smaller groups chose not to join in any of them. The larger organizations may have decried what they perceived as the “local-circle mentality” of these smaller groups, but they were unsuccessful in overcoming it.

Documenting the history of the smaller anti-revisionist groups in the New Communist Movement in this period is particularly challenging because many of them focused on local organizing and eschewed involvement in national debates about party-building, the national question, the united front, etc.; produced little printed material; or otherwise chose to keep a low public profile.

Index of organizations in this section (by alphabetical order)
American Workers Organization (M-L), American Workers Party
Amilcar Cabral/Paul Robeson Collective
Ann Arbor Student Movement
August 29th Movement (Marxist-Leninist)
Bay Area Communist Union
Boston Organizing Committee
Buffalo Student Movement
Buffalo Workers’ Movement
Colorado Organization for Revolutionary Struggle (M-L-M)
Commentator Collective
El Comité-MINP
Committee for a Proletarian Party
Committee for Scientific Socialism (Marxist-Leninist)
Communist Collective of the Chicano Nation
Communist Committee
Communist Workers Group (Marxist-Leninist)
Congress of Afrikan People
Denver Committee Against Social-Chauvinism
East Wind Collective (Marxist-Leninist)
Hawaii Union of Socialists and Modern Times
I Wor Kuen
Japan Town Collective
Kansas City Revolutionary Workers Collective
League for Proletarian Revolution
League of Struggle (Marxist-Leninist)
Lexington Communist Collective
Los Angeles Work Group
Marxist-Leninist Collective
Marxist-Leninist League
Marxist-Leninist Organization of the U.S.A.
Marxist-Leninist Workers Organization
Milwaukee Alliance
Milwaukee Socialist Union
Motor City Labor League
The New Voice
New York Communist Workers’ Organization
Organization for a Marxist-Leninist Workers’ Party U.S.A.
Pacific Collective (Marxist-Leninist)
Party for Workers Power
Philadelphia Workers’ Organizing Committee
Proletarian Unity League
Red Dawn Committee (Marxist-Leninist)
Red Guard Party
Resistencia Puertorriqueña/League for Proletarian Revolution
Revolutionary Workers Collective
Revolutionary Workers League
Revolutionary Workers Press
Rhode Island Student Movement
San Diego Organizing Committee (Marxist-Leninist)
San Diego Revolutionary Anti-Imperialist Collective
San Francisco Marxist-Leninist Organization
Seattle Communist Workers Group
Seattle Workers Movement
Seize the Time
Socialist Organizing Committee (Marxist-Leninist)
Venceremos
Wei Min She
Witchita Communist Cell
Worker-Student Organizing Collective
Worker Unity Organization
Workers Viewpoint Organization

Contents

General Background Materials

Family Tree Chart of U.S. Anti-Revisionism, 1956-1977 by the Communist Workers Group (Marxist-Leninist)


American Workers Organization (M-L)/American Workers Party

Primary Documents

The National Question

People’s Voice, Vol. 1, No. 8, October 1973

Workers With No Names. Illegal Aliens in the U.S.

Uncommon Sense Vol. 1, No. 2, February 1980

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Amilcar Cabral/Paul Robeson Collective

Background Materials

History of the Amilcar Cabral/Paul Robeson Collective

Primary Documents

Organizing for Afro-American Liberation and Socialism

The Greensboro Massacre: Critical Lessons for the 1980’s by the Amilcar Cabral/Paul Robeson Collective and the Greensboro Collective

In Defense of the Right of Political Succession for the Afro-American Nation. Papers and Resolutions from the School on the Afro-American National Question, September 1982 by the Revolutionary Political Organization (M-L), Amilcar Cabral/Paul Robeson Collective and with the participation of the Red Dawn Collective

Amilcar Cabral/Paul Robeson Collective Study Guide on the Afro-American National Question, 1982-1983

Workers’ Voice [May 1985]

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Ann Arbor Student Movement

Background Materials

The Basic Program of the American Student Movement [from Ann Arbor Student, Vo. 2, No. 1, January 18, 1973]

Primary Documents

Revolution! Not Reforms!

Mass Meeting to Denounce Fascist Ford! [flyer]

The Palestinian Revolution Forges Ahead! [flyer]

Periodicals

Ann Arbor Student

Afro-Asian Latin American Peoples Solidarity Newsletter [Vol. 1, No. 1, August 1, 1973]

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August 29th Movement (Marxist-Leninist)

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The August 29th Movement (ATM) was a Chicano New Communist Movement organization that took its name from the historic August 29, 1970 Chicano Moratorium against the Vietnam War in Los Angeles. It was formed at a Unity Conference in May 1974 from the merger of the August 29th Collective of Los Angeles, California; the East Bay Labor Collective of Oakland, California; La Raza Workers Collective of San Francisco; and a collective from Albuquerque, New Mexico.

The ATM published a pamphlet, “Fan The Flames: A Revolutionary Position on the Chicano National Question,” in 1975. The document argued that Chicanos living in the Southwestern United States were an oppressed nation, rather than an oppressed national minority, as was argued by most other New Communist Movement organizations.

The August Twenty-Ninth Movement published a newspaper, Revolutionary Cause, and a theoretical journal, The Red Banner.

In 1978, ATM merged with I Wor Kuen to form the League of Revolutionary Struggle.

Historical Works

History of the August 29th Movement

Polemics of Other Groups

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ATM – Traitors to the Proletariat – Mensheviks to the Bone! by the Revolutionary Wing

ATM: Social Democrats from the National Movement. Competes with OL to be the Vanguard of the Petty Bourgeoisie by Workers Viewpoint Organization

Polemic with ATM: Factory Propaganda and Agitation by the Workers Congress (M-L)

Comradely Polemics with ATM-ML: The Present Situation & Our Tasks by the League for Proletarian Revolution (M-L)

Comradely Polemics with ATM-ML, Part II: In This Period, Place All Work in the Context of Party Building by the League for Proletarian Revolution (M-L)

ATM Peddles Reformism on Chicano Question by the October League (M-L)

Nationalist Reformism Disguised as Marxism. A polemic against the political line of the August 29th Movement by Barry Litt

A Party Building Retreat by the Workers Congress (M-L)

Unity in Words – Sectarianism in Deeds: ATM/IWK and CP(ML) ’Unite’ to Exclude WC(ML) from ABDC by the Workers Congress (M-L)

Primary Documents

ATM: Unity Statement

The Wildcat at DASCO and its Lessons for the Communist Movement in the U.S.

Selected Speeches presented at forums by the August 29th Movement, 1974-1975

August 29th Movement

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Chicano Liberation and Proletarian Revolution

PRRWO Holds Forum in S.F.

R.C.P. – Vanguard or Chauvinist Sect??

The Tasks of Communists in the Trade Unions

C.L.P.– Social Prop of the Bourgeoisie

Historic Alamosa Conference: Reformism or Revolution!

Struggle for Party is Struggle for Revolution – Current state of our movement [part I]

Historic Occasion: August 29th Movement (M-L) Holds 2nd Congress

Opening Statement to the Second Congress of the August 29th Movement (M-L)

Propaganda, Agitation, and Winning over the Vanguard: Response to the Workers Congress

Western Yarn Strike Ends, Class Struggle Continues

Fan the Flames. A Revolutionary Position on the Chicano National Question

A Letter to the O.L.: Opportunism on International Situation

PRRWO-RWL: ’Hurling Threats and Insults in Not Fighting’ [part II]

Communists in Court: The Role of the O.L. and R.C.P.

Editorial: The Revolutionary Cause and Our Tasks

ATM (M-L) Forums on Chicano National Question: Communists Must Lead Fight Against National Oppression!

October League, Right Opportunist Feint to the ’Left’

The Betrayal of the “Communist” Party U.S.A. on the Chicano National Question

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WVO Proclaims Itself General Staff

W.V.O. Kicked Out Of Chicago Forum: National Movements – Main Allies of the Working Class

Speech at Denver Party Building Forum, March 1977

A Special ATM (M-L) Polemic with Ultra-Leftism: League for Proletarian Revolution – Caught with their “Onlys” Showing

A Brief Review of Some Agitation and Propaganda

Editorial: Practice Marxism Not Revisionism. ATM Cadre Reject Splitters

Editorial: Continue the 2-Line Struggle

Editorial: Build the Unity of the Working Class and Oppressed Nationalities

Joint Statement of ATM, CP (M-L) and IWK for Marxist-Leninist Unity

Editorial: Build the Committee to Unite Marxist-Leninists!

Joint Editorial by ATM (M-L) and IWK: Marxist-Leninists Unite! Forge a single unified party of the U.S. working class!

ATM-IWK newspapers to merge by The Call

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Bay Area Communist Union

Primary Documents

Beginning Analysis

Proposed Position on Black Liberation Struggle

Position Paper of BACU on Bay Area Angola Coalition

History of the U.S. Left [Study Class/Study Guide]

Organizational Guidelines on Recruiting, Obligations of Members, Democratic Centralism and Security

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Boston Organizing Committee

Primary Documents

Forging a Ideological Center

The Fight for Freedom in South Africa and what it means for workers in the United States

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Buffalo Student Movement

The Buffalo Student Movement (BSM) was a chapter of the American Student Movement, created by the American Communist Workers Movement (Marxist-Leninist).

Primary Documents

American Working Class Has High Aspirations

Cultural Affairs Discussion Group Holds Meeting on: “Teaching and Learning in the University”

Fascism, not “Overpopulation” or “Pollution” is the Problem (Statement of the Buffalo Student Movement, released April 1, 1972)

Hail the Victory of the Proletarian Revolutionary Line of the Buffalo Student Movement Conference!

Opening Remarks to the Buffalo Student Movement Conference by the Representative of the American Communist Workers Movement (Marxist-Leninist)

Grand Rally – Mao Tsetung Thought is the Bright Red Banner of the Anti-Fascist Revolution of the American Working Class and People!

Statement of the Zone 2 Branch of the American Communist Workers’ Movement (Marxist-Leninist) on the “Widescale Dissemination and Study and Application of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought” First Read at the Grand Rally “Mao Tsetung Thought Is the Bright Red Banner of the Anti-Fascist Revolution of the American Working Class and People”, Held During BSM Conference on April 28, 1972.

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Buffalo Workers’ Movement

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The Buffalo Workers’ Movement (BWM) grew out of local opposition to the Vietnam War. The foundaing members came together to form the Veterans Club at the University of Buffalo. Later the group expanded to become a chapter of a national organization of anti¬war veterans named Vietnam Veterans Against the War/Winter Soldier Organization. Beginning in 1976, with the development of its positions set forth in the published Working Papers, the group consolidated its Marxist-Leninist line and began to involve itself more strategically in local working class and community struggles.

At the same time, the BWM became more active in the national anti-revisionist movement through its participation in the Organizing Committee for an Ideological Center (OC-IC).

Primary Documents

Statement on the Split in the Buffalo Workers’ Movement

Visitors from Another Planet? Comic Relief Column

Working Papers

Me Start a Vanguard Party to Lead the Working Class to Revolution? You Must Be Kidding!!”

The Formation of a Leading Ideological Center – comments by the Buffalo Workers’ Movement

Response by the Buffalo Workers’ Movement to the Recent [OCIC] Conference

Periodical

Buffalo Workers’ Movement Newsletter

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Colorado Organization for Revolutionary Struggle (Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought)

The Colorado Organization for Revolutionary Struggle (Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought (COReS (M-L-M)) was a regional multi-national anti-revisionist group that was formed in 1974. It had its origins primarily in the Chicano national movement and its headquarters in Denver. COReS sponsored a number of forums in Denver with other party building organizations in the latter half of the 1970s.

In 1980, COReS merged with the League for Proletarian Revolution (M-L) to form the Marxist-Leninist League.

Primary Documents

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Colorado Organization for Revolutionary Struggle (M-L-M)

Speech at the Denver Party Building Forum, March 1977

The Reactionary Crusade for Justice...A Preliminary Study. How Their Politics Betrays the Chicano People & Sustains U.S. Capitalism

The Right is Evermore Dangerous

Move Forward the Women’s Liberation Struggle! A Criticism of so-called Revolutionary Lines in the Women’s Movement

Social-Chauvinism Comes Out in Practice

COReS (mlm) and LPR (m-l) On Road to Higher Unity

Rectification Campaign – COReS (mlm)

Progress Report: Forward COReS-LPR merger!

COReS-LPR Joint Statement: Our work within the working class movement

LPR-ML and COReS-MLM Complete Meger – Marxist-Leninist League Founded

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Commentator Collective

The Commentator Collective was a small anti-revisionist group in New York City with Dave Davis, who may have formerly been with the Progressive Labor Party, at its center. The Collective began publishing a paper, The Anti-Fascist Commentator in 1973. The paper changed its name the following year to The Commentator and continued publishing irregularly thereafter until approximately 1978.

Primary Documents

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Who We Are

A Critique of the United Front against Imperialism as a Strategy for Revolution within the U.S.

Nixon and Watergate: Toughing It Out

The SLA or How Not to Make Revolution

Hundreds attend forum on Watergate

Publisher’s Preface to the reprint of Dimitrov’s “The United Front Against War and Fascism”

Bad Caricature [letter from Dave Davis to The Guardian]

Out of the Frying Pan, Into the Fire. A Political Analysis of George Wallace

A shift in World Politics

Fascist Danger Increases World Wide

Who’s Next? [on the suppression of The Guardian by pro-China bookstores]

The Economics of Racism

The Election & After

The E.R.A.

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El Comité-MINP

El Comité began in 1970 as a Puerto Rican community action group in Manhattan’s West Side. Over the course of the next several years, it transformed itself into an anti-revisionist Marxist-Leninist organization and in 1975 changed its name to El Comite-Movemiento de Izquierda Nacional Puertorriqueño (El Comité-MINP).

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El Comité-NINP was active in the New Communist Movement, including party building activities, until it disintegrated in 1984.

Background Materials

The Struggle against “Urban Renewal“ in Manhattan's Upper West Side and the Emergence of El Comité by Rose Muzio

Historical Works

Three Years Later...[On the Suspension of UNIDAD LATINA]

El Comite/MINP: Its Formative Assembly

On Our 10th Anniversary

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M.I.N.P.-El Comité Celebrates its Tenth Anniversary

Presentation of the First Secretary of MINP-El Comité [at the 10th Anniversary Celebration]

Primary Documents

The Process of Puerto Rican Migration and the U.S. Working Class

Editorial: On Terrorism

Salute to Revolutionary Cuba [from Obreros en Marcha, Vol. 1, No. 18, July 1976]

On Mao’s Death [from Obreros en Marcha, Vol. 1, No. 20, September 1976]

Cuba – A Response [from Obreros en Marcha, Vol. 1, No. 20, September 1976]

Editorial: On Party Building

On Party Building, Part 2

Editorial: O.E.M. – A Critical View

Steelworkers Elect Leadership [from Obreros en Marcha, Vol. 2, No. 1, January 1977] Cover

Women in the Revolutionary Movement/The Children, and Women as Cadre [from Obreros en Marcha, Vol. 2, Nos. 3 & 4, March, April 1976]

Editorial: Another “Communist Party” Founded

U.S. Left: Solidarity with Cuba? [from Obreros en Marcha, Vol. 2, No. 7, July 1977]

Editorial: OEM: A Year of Progress

First Assembly, October 1978

First Assembly: Program for the Coming Period

First Assembly Dedicated to Outgoing Leader

Outgoing First Secretary Leaves. Says Goodbye To Organization

Message from the Central Committee

El Comité-M.I.N.P. Completes its First Assembly

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Editorial: On the Chinese Invasion of Vietnam

Statement on the Division in M.I.N.P.-El Comité

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Committee for a Proletarian Party

The Committee for a Proletarian Party (CPP) was a local San Diego collective which formed in the Spring of 1977. It was active in a number of local struggles and participated in the New Communist Movement nationally by publishing a number of pamphlets on issues of strategy and party building.

In 1978 it drew close to the Marxist-Leninist Organizing Committee and joined with it to create the Communist Party U.S.A./(Marxist-Leninist) that same year. However, a number of members soon left the CPUSA (M-L) over its pro-Albania positions and rejection of Mao Zedong’s contribution to Marxism-Leninism and reformed the CPP. Post 1980 documents of CPP can be found here.

In 1983 CPP merged with the Communist Organization, Bay Area (COBA) to form the Organization of Revolutionary Unity (ORU).

Primary Documents

Principles of Unity

Strategy and Tactics of the Proletariat in the Era of Imperialism

The Party of the Working Class and the Small Circles of the Petit-Bourgeoisie

Two Articles: “On the Historical Merit of Mao Tsetung and Socialism in China” and “The PLA’s Treacherous Reversal: An Analysis of the PLA Letter“ by the Chicago Committee for a Communist Party and former members of the Committee for a Proletarian Party

The Roots of Opportunism in the Committee for a Proletarian Party. Criticism/Self-Criticism by Two of Its Leading Members

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Committee for Scientific Socialism (Marxist-Leninist)

The Committee for Scientific Socialism (M-L) was a small, secret anti-revisionist group in Washington, DC that had its origins in the white anti-war left in that city.

Primary Documents

A Proposal Concerning the General Line on Party-Building for the Communist Movement in the U.S.

Build Proletarian Unity Through Intensified Struggle: Expose the Right Line of All-Unity and the ’Left’ Line of All-Struggle

Two Lines on Revolutionary Practice: Science Versus Spontaneity

RWL and OL: Two Wings of Same Bird

RWL/ALSC Appendix

History of Two-Line Struggle on Party-Building

Criticism/Self-Criticism

Expose OL’s All-Unity, Bourgeois Stand; Build Proletarian Unity Through Intensified Struggle

Smash Scholasticism and Bolshevize Our Ranks! Expose the Petty-Bourgeois Careerism of MLOC!

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Communist Collective of the Chicano Nation (M-L)

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The Communist Collective of the Chicano Nation (CCCN) was a small group located in Albuquerque, New Mexico. It began publishing an irregular newsletter, El Amanecer rojo (Red Dawn) in April 1973.

The CCCN argued, following Stalin’s definition, that a Chicano nation existed in a part of the U.S. southwest, namely New Mexico, Southern Colorado, and Southwestern Texas.

The CCCN participated in the Conference of North American Marxist-Leninists held by the Communist League and others in May 1973 at which it presented a theoretical paper on the Chicano National Question.

Primary Documents

El Amanecer Rojo, Vol. 1, No. 1. April 1973

Presentando “El Amanecer Rojo”

Conference of North American Marxist-Leninists

Nixon-Brezhnev

Watergate

Fascist Attack on Spanish Speaking Peoples

Report to the Communist Collective of the Chicano Nation on the Chicano National-Colonial Question

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Communist Committee

The Communist Committee was a small anti-revisionist communist group located in Chicago, Illinois.

Primary Documents

The Soviet Union: Is it the Nazi Germany of Today?

Communist Committee Letter to the Guardian

“Three Worlds” Theory: Anti-Leninist Deception of the Masses

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Communist Workers Group (Marxist-Leninist)

Historical Works

A Brief History of the Political Line of the Communist Workers Group (Marxist-Leninist) by Rick Atkinson

Primary Documents

Our Tasks on the National Question. Against Nationalist Deviations in Our Movement

Family Tree Chart of U.S. Anti-Revisionism, 1956-1977

The Workers’ Movement and the Movement for the Party by the CWG (M-L) and the Workers League of Struggle

The Situation in China and Social-Chauvinism in Our Movement by the Communist Workers Group (ML) and the Organization of Communist Workers (ML) Canada

A Tactical Dispute Among Social-Chauvinists – The PLA’s 7th Congress and the CPC

More “Great Disorder Under Heaven”

The State and Counter-Revolution. A Critical History of the Marxist Theory of the State by Tom Clark

Periodical

Forward

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Congress of Afrikan People

The Congress of Afrikan People (CAP) had its roots in the Black Arts movement in Newark, New Jersey in the mid-1960s, largely through the efforts of Amiri Baraka. By the late-1960s, under the influence of Malcolm X, Ron Karenga’s US organization and the example of the Black Panthers, the CAP became an explicitly political, Black nationalist organization, with a focus of community organizing and cultural politics. In 1970, at its Atlanta Convention, CAP became a national organization dedicated to building a Black Political Party, including involvement in electoral politics.

In the early 1970s, a growing struggle developed within the CAP between the Black nationalists and the emerging Marxist-Leninist forces, headed by Baraka. With the departure of Haki Madhubuti and Jitu Weusi, the Marxist-Leninist tendency in the organization was strengthened and in 1974-75, CAP took up the study of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tse Tung Thought and, for a brief period, worked closely with the October League (Marxist-Leninist). Thereafter, it was briefly on the periphery of the Revolutionary wing.

In February, 1976 the organization changed its name to the Revolutionary Communist League (Marxist-Leninist-Mao Tse-tung Thought). Early in 1980 the Revolutionary Communist League (M-L-M) merged with the League of Revolutionary Struggle (M-L).

Historical Works

African American Intellectuals and Black Cultural Nationalism Between 1965 and 1975: The Case of Amiri Baraka by Toulgui Ladi

History of the Congress of Afrikan People

Baraka Abandons ’Racism’ as Ineffective And Shifts to ’Scientific Socialism’ of Marx

Polemics

Imamu Baraka: From Mayor Gibson to Mao Thought Workers Vanguard, May 23, 1975

The “76 Strategy,” in Practice: CAP Unites with Urban League in Albany Workers Vanguard, October 10, 1975

Wreckers Cripple African Liberation Support Committee from The Call

Primary Documents

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New Groups Join CAP by Cheo Hekima

Raise!!! by Imamu Amiri Baraka

Leo Baraka – 1973

Sectarianism, Undermining, Secret Agents & Struggle by Chairman Amiri Baraka

Progressive United Front on Education calls for: “Self-Determination and Quality Education in Boston”

Boston... Fred Hampton Contingent Gives Critical Support for Boston March

Black Liberation is a Struggle for Socialism!!! by Amiri Baraka

Workers’ Solidarity Day [flyer]

Against Some Bogus Types Posing as Revolutionaries (Part I) by Amiri Baraka

Against Some Bogus Types Posing as Revolutionaries (Part II) by Amiri Baraka

Future Of Afrikan Liberation Support Committee Discussed In D.C. Meeting

Ford Comes to Newark – CAP Demonstrates!

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’76 Strategy

Stop Killer Cops. Struggle Against Police Brutality – Your Child May Be Next!

1st Draft of General CAP Summation: National ALSC – 1972-75 (Part 1)

Forum: Strategy 76

Hard Facts, 1973-1975 by Amiri Baraka [poems]

1st Draft of General CAP Summation: National ALSC – 1972-75 (Part 3)

Revolutionaries and the ’76 Elections by the October League (M-L)

CAP Supports Fightback Conference

CAP Summation of “Strategy ’76”

ALSC: Continuations Committee of ALSC At The Crossroads, While U.S. Imperialism and Soviet Social Imperialism Contend For Afrika!!

[Report on] National Fightback [Conference]

Angola: For True Independence Superpowers Must Be Thrown Out!!

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ALSC National Meeting Held in New York

Revolutionary Review: The Black Nation Thesis

Report From CAP’s Central Committee Meeting

Recommendation For Withdrawal From the Puerto Rican Solidarity Committee

Nixon in China

Angola Forum

Right Opportunism Main Danger! CAP Summation of International Women’s Day

Periodical

Unity and Struggle [and Black NewArk]

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The Denver Committee Against Social-Chauvinism

This was a small group formed in Denver, Colorado in January 1979, consisting of several members of the Central Organization of U.S. Marxist-Leninists (COUSML) and a number of individuals who wrote and issued the pamphlet, The U.S. Communist Movement and A Re-Assessment in Light of the Struggle Against the Revisionist “Three World Theory.”

The Denver Committee was active on the Denver left in propagating the positions of forces opposed to the theory of “three worlds” as well as in struggles in the community at large. It was also active in promoting COUSML’s work toward the formation of the Marxist-Leninist Party (MLP). Members of the Denver Committee joined or worked closely with the MLP from its founding to the dissolution of the Denver MLP branch in 1983. Thereafter, two members moved to Chicago, becoming part of the circle around the Chicago Workers’ Voice theoretical journal.

Background Materials

The U.S. Communist Movement and A Re-Assessment in Light of the Struggle Against the Revisionist “Three World Theory”

Primary Documents

Down With Carter’s Aggressive Middle East “Peace” Fraud!

Resist Gerry’s Rate Cutting!

Support the Call of the National Committee of the Central Organization of U.S. Marxist-Leninists! Build the Marxist-Leninist Party Without the Social-Chauvinists and Against the Social-Chauvinists!

The Working Class is Opposed to the Nuclear Program of the Rich!

Resist Samsonite’s Productivity Drive!

Down with the U.S.-China Warmongering Alliance! [poster]

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East Wind Collective (Marxist-Leninist)

The East Wind Collective (Marxist-Leninist) was formed in 1972 by leaders in radical Asian-American, primarily Japanese, community groups in Los Angeles. Its predecessor organization, the Community/Workers Collective, had brought together activists from the city’s campuses and community groups. At its height, the Collective had 25 to 30 members, with an activist core of 15. An interesting feature of the organization was that many of its members lived together collectively. East Wind was extremely active in a variety of projects, from helping publish the newspaper Gidra, to labor organizing, to opposition to gentrification in Little Tokyo.

Originally primarily nationalist in ideology, by 1975 East Wind adopted Marxism-Leninism and became involved in anti-revisionist party building. By the end of the 1970s it had drawn close to I Wor Kuen and in 1979, after IWK’s merger with the August 29th Movement in the League of Revolutionary Struggle (M-L) the previous year, East Wind dissolved itself and joined the League.

Historical Background

Race, Class and Political Activism: Black, Chicana/o and Japanese-American Leftists in Southern California, 1968-1978 by Laura Pulido

Polemics

Unity in Words – Sectarianism in Deeds: ATM/IWK and CP(ML) ’Unite’ to Exclude WC(ML) from ABDC by the Workers Congress (M-L)

East Wind Collective Criticism

WC(M-L) Response to Criticism by East Wind Collective

Primary Documents

May Day Speech [Seize The Time, Vol. 2, No. 5, November 1976]

Struggle For The Right To National Development As A Component Part off Making Proletarian Socialist Revolution In the U.S.

East Wind Collective (Marxist-Leninist) Greets the Founding of the League of Revolutionary Struggle (M-L)

Statement by the East Wind organization on its unity with the League

Editorial: Great advances in building Marxist-Leninist unity by the League of Revolutionary Struggle (M-L)

LA program celebrates merger of East Wind and the League of Revolutionary Struggle (M-L)

East Coast programs greet merger of East Wind and League

Building a unified Asian movement: SF program celebrates East Wind/League Merger

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Hawaii Union of Socialists and Modern Times

Background Materials

Cover

The Birth of the Modern Hawaiian Movement: Kalama Valley, O’ahu by Haunani-Kay Trask

The Rise of Ethnic Studies at the University of Hawai’i: Anti-War, Student and Early Community Struggles by John Witeck

Primary Documents

Why “Modern Times

Angola and Zaire – Where the Vanguards Failed, Part I by John Witeck

Angola and Zaire – Where the Vanguards Failed, Part II by John Witeck

Zaire: Crucial Stakes Involved by John Witeck

A Proposal for an Open Socialist Organization in Hawaii

Hawaii Union of Socialists Calls Founding Meeting

Combat Sectarianism and Dogmatic Responses

Red Flag Bookstore Struggle [Article, Follow-up Letter, and Reply]

Hawaii Nation? Some Thoughts, Part I by S. Wallis

Positions on the Hawaii National Question, Part II by S. Wallis

Close Encounters With the Three Worlds

Critique of Albanian Position on the Three Worlds Theory

HUS, Con-Con Campaign Launched

Coalition Politics and Bakke Committee Work by Kyle Coffman

Speaking Out on Zaire: China’s Position – In Support of Reaction

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HUS Picnic and Film Benefit Well-Attended

Mao Tsetung Memorial by J. W.

HUS and RCYB Form Alliance by A.F. Day [April Fool’s Day satire]

Comments on Article by B.D., S.P., HUS members

Tasks for Revolutionaries in Hawaii – A Contribution to the HUS Political Directions Discussion

Questions on the Revolutionary Communist Party by S. Wallis

“Three Worlds” Adherents in Bed with Reaction: Cuba Must be Supported by Walter Yonn, Honolulu

Anti-Draft Protests Sparked by B.D. and J.W.

Modern Times Editorial: Adventurism on the March? Reflections on the RCP’s May Day

Forum on Afghanistan Attacks U.S. Role, Reactionary Rebels: Soviet Intervention Deemed Necessary

Observing the RCP’s May Day by the Modern Times staff and editors

Thoughts on the Hawaii National Question by Ivan Hoe

Deepen the Critique of Stalinism by B.D.

Hawaiian Nationalism: A Non-Question by John Reinecke

Class and Ethnicity: Applying Wallerstein’s Core-Periphery Concept by Robert H. Stauffer

Response to John Reinecke: Hawaii As A Sovereign Nation by J.D.

Class And Ethnicity: A Response by Lilian Y. Yamasaki

The Chronology/Activities of H.U.S., 1978-1982: Looking Behind at Our 5-Year Plan by John Witeck

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I Wor Kuen

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I Wor Kuen (Righteous and Harmonious Fists) took its name from a peasant organization that fought to expel foreigners from China during the so-called “Boxer Rebellion.” Founded in 1969 by second-generation Chinese Americans in New York’s Chinatown, it adopted a 12-point program Platform and Program, similar to those previously issued by the Black Panther Party and the Young Lords. It also advocated Mao Zedong thought and engaged in militant struggles in the community. It also started publication of a bi-lingual newspaper, Getting Together.

In 1971, I Wor Kuen became a national organization when it merged with former members of the San Francisco-based Red Guard Party, a group which was founded in February 1969 and disbanded in July 1971. Also influenced by the Chinese Cultural Revolution and the example of the Black Panther Party, the Red Guard Party had espoused Mao Zedong thought, advocated armed struggle and viewed itself primarily as a military rather than a political organization. By 1971, this focus on military rather than political organizing and other contradictions led to the Party’s break-up, but a group of former militants went on to join I Wor Kuen. Cover

In 1972, to broaden its base and to reach out to community members unwilling to support an explicitly communist organization, I Wor Kuen created the Chinese Progressive Association which, after several years, had branches in New York, Boston and Los Angeles. 1972 also saw I Wor Kuen briefly participate in the National Liaison Committee, a joint party building effort of the Revolutionary Union, the Black Workers Congress, and the Puerto Rican Revolutionary Workers Organization [for more on the National Liaison Committee and IWK's relation to it see here].

Throughout the 1970s, I Wor Kuen frequently clashed with other Marxist-Leninist groups active in Chinese communities across the country, including Wei Min She and the Asian Study Group/Workers Viewpoint Organization.

In 1978, I Wor Kuen merged with the August 29th Movement to found the League for Revolutionary Struggle (Marxist-Leninist).

Historical Works

History of I Wor Kuen

History of the Red Guard Party

Black Panthers, Red Guards, and Chinamen: Constructing Asian American Identity through Performing Blackness, 1969-1972 by Daryl J. Maeda

Yellow Power: The Formation of Asian-American Nationalism in the Age of Black Power, 1966-1975 by Jeffrey O. G. Ogbar

The Interaction Between Service and Organizing: Two Housing Campaigns by the Chinese Progressive Association by Kaori Tsukada

Other Organization Polemics

I Wor Kuen’s Reactionary Line on May Day and the Workers’ Movement. Wei Min She Reply to IWK Criticism of l974 May Day Asian Contingent Statement

A Letter to the I Wor Kuen by the Proletarian Unity League

Unity in Words – Sectarianism in Deeds: ATM/IWK and CP(ML) ’Unite’ to Exclude WC(ML) from ABDC by the Workers Congress (M-L)

Primary Documents

Red Guard Program and Rules by the Red Guard Party

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I Wor Kuen’s 12-Point Program

Revolution, the National Question and Asian Americans

Reply to the “Asian Contingent Solidarity Statement”

Opportunism in the Asian Movement – Wei Min She/Revolutionary Union

On Wei Min She’s “Reactionary Line”

Communist Party of Kampuchea – 17 militant years

Theory of Three Worlds: A Major Contribution to Marxism-Leninism

Smash the Bakke Decision! Down With Imperialism! End National Oppression! Selected Articles From Getting Together

Commentary: Some perspectives on appeasement and the danger of world war

Striking changes in Democratic Kampuchea

Slanders Can’t Hide Kampuchea’s Achievements

China sets high goals for science and technology

Joint Statement of ATM, CP (M-L) and IWK for Marxist-Leninist Unity

Joint Editorial by ATM (M-L) and IWK: Marxist-Leninists Unite! Forge a single unified party of the U.S. working class!

ATM-IWK newspapers to merge by The Call

Periodicals

I.W.K. Journal

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Japan Town Collective

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The Japan Town Collective (also known as the J-Town Collective) was a Marxist-Leninist organization in San Francisco’s Japan Town neighborhood (Nihonmachi). It was founded in 1971 by former members of the Red Guard Party. Initially the group was active in the anti-Vietnam War movement and solidarity campaigns on Japanese issues, particularly the anti-military base struggle in Okinawa. The organization was also very active in anti-gentrification struggles in the neighborhood through the Committee Against Nihonmachi Evictions (CANE).

The Japan Town Collective operated a community center in the neighborhood, involved itself in labor organizing, conducted study groups in Marxism-Leninism, and published a newspaper, New Dawn.

As differences developed in the New Communist Movement in 1975-6, particularly over Chinese foreign policy, the Japan Town Collective experienced sharp internal struggles with many cadre looking to I Wor Kuen for leadership. The resulting turmoil in the organization resulted in its disappearance by late 1975.

Historical Works

New Dawn Rising: History and Summation of the Japan Town Collective by Ray Tasaki

“J-Town Collective” [interview conducted by the the IWK paper Getting Together in 1972]

Polemics and Primary Documents

Left Meets Right [on a J Town Collective article on Angola] by Carl Bloice

Response to the Communist Party, USA: Defenders of Soviet Aggression have no just ground by the J-Town Collective

The Guardian’s “Russian Exceptionalism” and “socialism of a new type”

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Kansas City Revolutionary Workers Collective

The Kansas City Revolutionary Workers Collective (KCRWC) was formed in February 1975. It had its origins in the Black student movement, particularly the Youth Organization for Black Unity (YOBU).

After its formation, the KCRWC passed through a series of stages in which it grew close to different national Marxist-Leninist groups. First, it worked with the Revolutionary Union and participated in the process leading to the formation of the Revolutionary Communist Party. Then it aligned itself with the Workers Viewpoint Organization while the latter was a part of the Revolutionary Wing.

After breaking with the Wing, the KCRWC also began to reject the “theory of three worlds” and Mao Zedong Thought and thereafter actively involved itself with a number of small Marxist-Leninist groups around the country which had aligned themselves with the Party of Labor of Albania’s analysis of the crisis in the world communist movement. By 1980, the KCRWC decided that the Party of Labor of Albania was not taking a correct Marxist-Leninist line and broke with them, too, declaring that “part of the ’main blow’ must go against the revisionism-centrism of the PLA and their followers in every country.”

In August 1981 the Kansas City Marxist-Leninist Cell and the Kansas City Revolutionary Workers Collective merged to form the Organization for a Marxist-Leninist Workers’ Party U.S.A.

Historical Background Materials

History of the Kansas City Revolutionary Workers Collective [from the pamphlet The Building of the Vanguard Party of the U.S. Proletariat]

Polemics

The Building of Cores: Comments by LPR-ML on KCRWC’s Summation

Primary Documents

Speech at the Denver Party Building Forum, March 1977

May Day – International worker’s Holiday

Class Struggle and the Teachers Strike

Summation of Teachers Strike (Excerpts)

Let’s Move Party Building Forward. Collective Party Building line of Kansas Collective for Proletarian Revolution, Kansas City Revolutionary Workers Collective, Wichita Communist Cell

The Building of the Vanguard Party of the U.S. Proletariat by the Kansas City Revolutionary Workers Collective and Witchita Communist Cell

Toward the Development of the International Marxist-Leninist Trend: A Contribution to the Criticism of the Revisionism-Centrism of Mao Zedong Thought and the Party of Labor of Albania by the Kansas City Marxist-Leninist Cell and the Kansas City Revolutionary Workers Collective

Letter to All Participants of the November 8, 1980 Forum in New York by the Kansas City Marxist-Leninist Cell and Kansas City Revolutionary Workers’ Collective

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League for Proletarian Revolution

Coming out of the “new left” movement, the League for Proletarian Revolution was formed in the summer of 1972 from the merger of two separate collectives: The Revolutionary Workers’ Caucus and the Red Detachment. The former was centered around trade union work, but was also involved in the study of Marxism-Leninism. The Red Detachment was a collective based in theoretical work which had developed in Berkeley’s student and intellectual circles. These two groups merged on the basis of building the Party as the central task of Marxist-Leninists, and began the work of studying and bringing Communist propaganda and agitation to the workers. In the early spring of 1974, a further merger took place between the League and the San Francisco Marxist-Leninist Organization which had been formed in the summer of 1973 by former members of the Venceremos Organization.

The League participated in the Communist League’s National Continuations Committee and joined the resultant Communist Labor Party, but many members soon left to form the Marxist-Leninist Collective.

This San Francisco Bay Area League for Proletarian Revolution should not be confused with another, New York-based League of Proletarian Revolution. That organization was the former Resistencia Puertorriqueña, which changed its name to the League for Proletarian Revolution in 1976.

Background Materials

Against Opportunism and Amateurishness: The Struggle to Build the Party by the San Francisco Marxist-Leninist Organization

Primary Documents

From Trotskyism to Social-Imperialism by Michael A. Miller

Political Statement of the League for Proletarian Revolution

Which Side Are YOU On?

The Revolutionary Union’s “New Turn”

Against Revisionism by Michael A. Miller

Free the Negro Nation!

The International Significance of the Restoration of Capitalism in the USSR

The International Significance of the Restoration of Capitalism in the USSR, Part II

Summary of the NCC Process, the Founding of the CLP, and the Role of the League for Proletarian Revolution by the Marxist-Leninist Collective

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League of Struggle (Marxist-Leninist)

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The League of Struggle (M-L) was formed in San Diego in 1974. For much of its history it functioned as a secret organization. In 1975, it decided that party-building was the central task of U.S. Marxist-Leninists. During this period it was close to the August 29th Movement, but in the following year it decided that its theoretical-political orientation was closer to the Workers Viewpoint organization.

Historical Works

The History of the League of Struggle

Polemics

United and Exposed: League of Struggle’s Unprincipled Conciliation with Local Bureaucrats by the San Diego Organizing Committee (M-L)

Primary Documents

Position on Central Task–Party Building

Position on the International Situation

Position on the Trade Union Question [from Journal #2, Mid-February 1977]

Position on Agitation and Propaganda [from Journal #2, Mid-February 1977]

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Lexington Communist Collective

The Lexington Communist Collective (LCC) began as a Marxist study group in the fall of 1972, which later reorganized itself as a communist organization. In 1973, the LCC joined the party building effort of the American Communist Workers Movement (M-L) and was one of the groups that formed the Central Organization of U.S. Marxist-Leninists (COUSML) later that year. In July 1974, some of the former members of the LCC broke with COUSML and refounded the LCC.

Primary Documents

Statement Presented at the Denver Party Building Forum, March 1977

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Los Angeles Work Group

Primary Documents

Proposal for Building Our Embryonic Trend and Its Ideological Center

Introduction to the Packet from Los Angeles

Report on the Use of Propaganda at the Workplace

Annotated Bibliography on Propaganda and Agitation

Updated Outline of Study in the Worker’s Study Group [bibliography]

Sum-Up Study Outline – Worker’s Study Group [bibliography]

The Worker’s Study Group Outline of Study on the Woman Question

Get Acquainted Session

Get Acquainted Session, #2

Study Guide for How to Learn Marxism-Leninism

Developing a Correct Attitude Towards Oneself [study guide]

Knowing One’s People Well

Some Articles on Factory Nuclei [list]

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Marxist-Leninist Collective

The Marxist-Leninist Collective, which had its origins in a Bay-area group called the League for Proletarian Revolution, was formed in 1975 as a split from the Communist Labor Party. It published a newsletter called the Workers’ Press and a pamphlet entitled Proletarian Revolution and the Split in the Working Class. When the China-Albania split developed in 1978-79, the Marxist-Leninist Collective took a pro-Albania position, which resulted in a split in the organization. The group continuing to call itself the Marxist-Leninist Collective subsequently involved itself in efforts to unify pro-Albania forces. The former members opposed to the pro-Albania position joined with others to form the Communist Organization, Bay Area, which later merged with other groups to form the Organization for Revolutionary Unity, which itself later merged into the Freedom Road Socialist Organization.

Primary Documents

Introducing Workers’ Press

Independence for the Black Nation

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Summary of the National Continuations Commmittee Process, the Founding of the Communist Labor Party, and the Role of the League for Proletarian Revolution

Build a Communist Party!

Proletarian Revolution and the Split in the Working Class

Party Building: Strategy and Tactics

Proposal for Forums

Party Building: Unite Marxist-Leninists, Win the Advanced to Communism!

Statement on the ’Third World’

Statement on the ’Third World’, Part 2

From Socialism to Social-Imperialism

RCP on the Split in the Working Class

RCP on the Split in the Working Class, Part 2

Lessons from the Moldmakers’ Strike

Win the Advanced to Communism

The Theory of Three Worlds and the Middle East Situation Today

Periodicals

Workers’ Press

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Marxist-Leninist League

The Marxist-Leninist League was created in 1974 when approximately one-third of the members of the New Voice group left the organization over differences described in the pamphlet Pragmatism and the Split in the New Voice. In 1978, the Marxist-Leninist League started publishing a quarterly theoretical journal entitled Science, Class and Politics. The journal continued publication into the 1990s. The journal’s line reflected the group’s origins in the Progressive Labor Party and the New Voice.

Primary Documents

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Pragmatism and the Split in the New Voice by the Marxist-Leninist League

Science, Class, & Politics: Perspective and Goals

The Role of Science in the Struggle for the Party

The Communist Movement in the United States

The Black National Question [Science, Class and Politics, #9, Spring 1980]

Scientific Genetics

The Threat of Nuclear War and the Ruling Class Science, Class and Politics, #18, Summer 1982]

Lessons from the Revolution Science, Class and Politics, #24, Winter 1984]

Liberalism Science, Class and Politics, #24, Winter 1984]

National Liberation Movements and the Question of Socialism Science, Class and Politics, #28, Winter 1984]

On Stalin Science, Class and Politics, #29, Spring 1984]

On the Nature and Substance of Fascism Science, Class and Politics, #30, Summer 1985]

The Role of Law under Capitalism and Socialism Science, Class and Politics, #35, Fall 1986]

Bernstein and Modern Revisionism Science, Class and Politics, #36, Winter 1987]

To Our Readers: The Die is Cast Science, Class and Politics, #39, Fall 1987]

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Marxist-Leninist Organization of the U.S.A.

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Few New Communist Movement organizations were affiliates of foreign anti-revisionist groups. The Marxist-Leninist Organization of the United States of America (MLOUSA) was an exception to this rule.

It was the U.S. sister organization of the Marxist-Leninist Organization of Britain (MLOB), a group that was created in the late 1960s out of elements from the first major UK anti-revisionist organization – the Committee to Defeat Revisionism for Communist Unity [for more on the MLOB see here].

While the MLOUSA had its own publications – a newspaper, the Workers’ Tribune and a theoretical journal, Proletariat – many of its major articles were reprints of its British sister organization. It also distributed MLOB publications such as Red Front, Red Vanguard and Class Against Class in the United States.

Like the MLOB, the MLOUSA sided with Liu Shao-Chi in the Chinese Cultural Revolution, which it viewed as a counter-revolutionary attempt to restore capitalism in China. To publicize its position, the MLOUSA reprinted the MLOB’s Report on the Situation in the People’s Republic of China in Proletariat.

The MLOUSA was ahead of its time. As early as 1972, it was predicting that China was moving toward an alliance with U.S. imperialism and that only Albania maintained a principled Marxist-Leninist position. These views would taken up by a variety of other anti-revisionist groups later in the 1970s.

Founded in the early 1970s and based in San Francisco, the MLOUSA seems to have disappeared a few years later.

Background Materials

Watergate: The Unmaking of the President by the Marxist-Leninist Organization of Britain

MLOUSA, SL Defend Against Philippine Nationalists by the Spartacist League

Primary Documents

Draft Declaration of the Marxist-Leninist Organization of the U.S.A.

Workers!! Beware of Wolves in Sheep’s Clothing!

A New Comintern Marxist-Leninist Is Being Born! by the Marxist-Leninist Organisation of Britain, Marxist-Leninist Organization of Germany and Marxist-Leninist Organization of the U.S.A.

MLOUSA Study Circles

The Philosophical Foundations of the Marxist-Leninist World Outlook

Topics for Discussion: MLOB & MLOUSA

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Marxist-Leninist Workers Organization

Primary Documents

The Worker, Vol. 5, No. 13, August 5, 1991

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Milwaukee Alliance

The Milwaukee Alliance (MA) grew out of the Wisconsin Alliance (WA), a group started in Madison in 1968 as an attempt to take the anti-war movement into Madison’s working class. The conception of the WA was to build a worker-farmer-student alliance around support for socialism.

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The WA was started by Marxist-Leninists who had broken with the CPUSA and the Progressive Labor Party. They were reacting both against revisionism and ultra-leftism. The WA was conceived of as a classic popular front – an alliance of all classes opposed to capitalism. The organization was consolidated around a very low level of unity, which put forward socialism and communism in concept, but not in name.

The Milwaukee chapter of the WA was formed in 1973, after two previously unsuccessful attempts. After several years of struggle, the MA decided to leave the WA in 1976, arguing that class transformation was the primary task for the MA and that the MA could not concentrate on this task and be involved in a statewide organization at the same time.

At this point, the MA went to an intensive period of re-establishing mass work. In the spring of 1977 the MA embarked upon a study of party building to raise the ideological level and the political unity within the organization. The study resulted in the Milwaukee Alliance reaching unity on Marxism-Leninism, and the fact that party building was our central task.

In 1978, however, the MA underwent a split in which approximately 40% of the group left the organization to form the Milwaukee Socialist Union. By the end of the decade the MA had ceased to exist.

Primary Documents

Rectify the Communist Movement, Re-establish the Communist Party!

Angola: National Liberation and the U.S. Left, 1974-76

Milwaukee Workers and Integration

Demonstrate Against the Nazis and Racism [flyer]

Stop the Nazis! Rally at Humbolt Park [flyer]

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Milwaukee Socialist Union

The Milwaukee Socialist Union (MSU) was formed from a split in the Milwaukee Alliance in 1978. Approximately 40% of the organization left to form the MSU.

The split occurred over a number of issues, including party building and the basis of unity for party building, as well as the issue of defining the “main enemy” of the peoples of the world. The individuals who went on to form the MSU generally took a position on these issues closely aligned to those of the Philadelphia Workers Organizing Committee (PWOC).

The MSU actively participated in the work of the Organizing Committee for an Ideological Center (OC-IC) and in general faithfully followed the PWOC line, issuing criticisms of various forces which it deemed insufficiently loyal to the PWOC approach to building the OC-IC.

Primary Documents

The Split in the Milwaukee Alliance: A Struggle Against Empiricism

Our Unions: Where we’re at, Where we’re going

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Motor City Labor League

Additional Motor City Labor League documents can be found here.

Historical Works

History of the Motor City Labor League

Primary Documents

A Nice Place to Visit – But You Wouldn’t Want to Live Here! Motor City Coalition [leaflet]

Motor City Labor League [leaflet]

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MCLL: Origin, Purpose and Direction [Changeover, Vol. 1, No. 1, September 15, 1971]

Leninism and the Motor City Labor League [Spring 1972]

Some Suggestions for a Core Library for MCLL Cadre

Notes on Democratic Centralism (for internal use only)

TEP Commission Paper on the Proletariat and on the Political Positions in MCLL!

A Working Paper Toward a Basic MCLL Public Statement

The Justin Ravitz Electoral Campaign

Ravitz Campaign Letter

Ravitz: Toward Our Own Courts

Can the Detroit News Defeat Crockett, Simpson, Razitz and Del Rio?

Ravitz Campaign Training Manual

Campaign Workers Training Notebook

Working Paper on Community Control of the Police

The Dialectics of the Ravitz Campaign

Documents on the 1972 Split

Report of the Central Committee, September 2, 1972

The Attached Paper Represents A Factual Analysis of the Events That Preceded and Precipitated Our Resignations

Struggle Within

To the Members of the Motor City Labor League Regarding the September 1972 Split

Reunification Proposal

[Untitled Reunification Document]

Perspective of Changeover on the Events of August 31 through October 2 (A Setback in the Building of a White Movement)

The Wheel Turns

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The New Voice

The New Voice (TNV) was started in the early 1970s by a group of former members of the Progressive Labor Party in Sacramento, California who left the Party for the reasons set out in The Anti-Marxist-Leninist Line of Progressive Labor by John Ericson and Charles Loren. Through most of its history the primary leader of TNV was Charles Loren.

TNV inherited from Progressive Labor a rejection of the “united front against imperialism” strategy in the U.S., calling instead for socialist revolution. Also like PL, it saw Black Americans as racially oppressed and rejected the “national oppression” theory associated with most U.S. anti-revisionists.

Over the course of its history, TNV consistently supported the international line of the Communist Party of China, including the “theory of three worlds” and the contention that the Soviet Union was the more dangerous of the two super-powers and the major source of war.

Perhaps TNV’s period of greatest influence was in 1973-74 when it was briefly associated with the Communist League and its National Continuations Committee. Charles Loren’s book, The Struggle for the Party, written during this period, was widely distributed and debated in the New Communist Movement.

Throughout its history TNV issued a publication of the same name, first as a newssheet, later as a newspaper and finally as a pamphlet-sized journal.

In 1978, after years of criticizing other New Communist Movement groups for various deviations, TNV welcomed the announcement of the CP ML’s Marxist-Leninist Unity Committee and offered to participate, but was bitterly disappointed when the Committee declined to respond to its overtures. No doubt, TNV’s opposition to the Black Nation analysis of African-American oppression and its open sympathy for a US role in the world alliance against Soviet social-imperialism were the reasons for the CP (M-L)’s reluctance to engage with TNV.

In the early 1980s TNV changed its name to the League for a Labor Republic and abandoned most of the Marxist-Leninist language in its journal, which began to appear irregularly and finally ceased publication in the late 1980s.

Polemics

Pragmatism and the Split in the New Voice by the Marxist-Leninist League

Primary Documents

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The Issue of Free Speech

About The New Voice [1973]

CSEA Attacks New Voice

Guardian Rewrites Reader’s Letter

Imperialism Today: An Economic Analysis

Three Articles on the Bribe

Guardian Continues to Apologise for Revisionism

Important Statement on Class

Defeat the “National Question” Line in the U.S. and Unite to Fight Racism

Fight the Crisis!

A Brief History: The Issue of Racism and the Student Movement

Boston Busing: Phase Two Phases Out Education

New York Friends of the New Voice: A Step Towards the Party

Revolutionary Strategy in the U.S.

Three Key Points: A Powerful Tool for Party Building

OL’s View of Crisis Is Reformist

OL’s Line on Racism Distorts Reality

What Do “Left” and Right Mean?

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Study Theory of Three Worlds

Learning from the I-Hotel Struggle

Welcome Proposal for Unity Committee

CP M-L, RCP, Guardian All Have... Opportunist Strategy for the U.S.

Aggression, Social-Imperialism, Appeasement: Three Enemies of Democratic Kampuchea

On Our Work: Using the Second Key Point

New Possibilities for Unity Among Marxist-Leninists: Make the Proletarian Line Central

Guidelines for Caucus-building

Struggle Is At a High Level, Defines the Tasks of Revolutionaries

Notice on Unity Committee

Book Review: Red Papers 8

RCP Makes Anti-China Stand Public

Who Supports Police Strikes?

The New Voice to CPML

Leading “Anti-Dogmatists” Debate

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Soviet Union is No Longer Socialist

Behind the People’s Temple Sensation

Guardian Meddles in Eritrean Movement

Breaking the Chains: The Struggle Against Racism and National Minority Oppression

Countering Vietnam Aggression China Strikes Back

About The New Voice [1979]

Weber Case Tested Two Lines

The Cuban Army: Mercenaries for social imperialism

Exchange with Daniel Burstein of the Communist Party (Marxist-Leninist)

Debate: What Road for Communists in the ’80s? by Charles Loren

Debate: What Road for Communists in the ’80s? by Daniel Burstein

Two Letters on Burstein-Loren Debate

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Afghanistan Signals World: Moscow Says, “We Want It All”

Soviet Union – Central Problem of World Politics. Affects Struggle for Socialism in U.S.

TNV’s 200th Issue: The 1970’s: A Decade Reviewed

WW Three: Questions & Answers

Two “Communist Countries”? Why China is a Friend, Soviet Union is Not

Debate Held: Has Capitalism Been Restored in the Soviet Union?

Resist Separation Trend from the Masses

Communist Work in Elections

Book Review: Sooner or Later?

TNV Holds a Congress

Views Changing: Does Busing Fight Racism?

Marxist-Leninists exchange views on racism

Interpreting News from China

Open Letter to CPML

Polish People Can Win

Poland and the Politics of the Two Superpowers

About the League for a Labor Republic

Book Review: Then and Now–Searching for the Path to Revolution

Lessons from the “Labor Notes” Conference by Richard Simpson

Labor Party: A Wolf in Sheep’s Clothing by Richard Simpson

New Jersey Friends of the New Voice

Unite the Working Class to Fight the Crisis!

Continue the Struggle Against the Bakke Decision

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New York Communist Workers’ Organization

The New York Communist Workers’ Organization (NYCWO) was a small group that began in the early 1970s. It issued two papers. The first, entitled The Opportunism of The Revolutionary Union and The Black Workers Congress in Relation To The Trade Unions, appeared in 1972. The second paper, called A Party Or A Sect?, criticized what it saw as the ultra-left conception of party building being put forward by the Revolutionary Union in 1974.

Some of the members of the NYCWO later went on to form a group called the Trade Union Educational Alliance. This group attempted in a Guardian radical forum article to show the errors of the ultra-left conceptions of theory held by many in the movement.

Primary Documents

A Party or a Sect?

Criticism of ultra-’leftism’ by the Trade Union Educational Alliance

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Pacific Collective (Marxist-Leninist)

Primary Documents

Open Letter to U.S. Communists Who Support the Struggle in China Against Wang, Chang, Chiang and Yao

Party-Formation and the Circle Spirit: A Reply to the MLOC

From Circles to the Party: The Tasks of Communists Outside the Existing Parties

Characteristic Features of “Left” and Right Opportunism by the Pacific Collective (Marxist-Leninist)

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Organization for a Marxist-Leninist Workers’ Party U.S.A.

The Organization for a Marxist-Leninist Workers’ Party U.S.A. was formed in August 1981 from the merger of the Kansas City Marxist-Leninist Cell and the Kansas City Revolutionary Workers Collective.

Primary Documents

The Disarmament and Peace Demands and Pending Imperialist World War III

Amid the Imperialist Lies – Which Way for a Lasting Peace?

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Party for Workers Power

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The Party for Workers Power arose from a split in the Progressive Labor Party in January 1974. It consisted of most of the Boston PL leadership and membership, approximately 25% of the PL membership as a whole. Led by Jared Israel, the PWP published a newspaper, Spark.

Background Materials

“Chicken Little in Boston” [On the Boston PL split leading to the formation of the Party for Workers Power]

Primary Documents

We Knew We Were Right by Jared Israel

Special Bulletin

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Philadelphia Workers’ Organizing Committee

PWOC was formed in 1971 by a group of activists who had been deeply involved in the struggles of the 1960’s, particularly the anti-war and civil rights movements. In January 1975 it began publishing a newspaper, The Organizer, which soon gained a national circulation. The following year, PWOC began to publish a series of articles critical of Chinese Foreign policy, what it saw as the dogmatism and sectarianism of the major new communist movement groups. It also published a pamphlet rejecting the “Black nation” approach to analyzing African American oppression. These positions gained PWOC a national following among independent Marxist-Leninists and collectives across the country. PWOC also put forth a party building line, called “fusion” which prioritized fusing Marxism-Leninism with the working class movement.

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Building on this support, PWOC took the lead in bringing together a loose network of groups which came to be known as the Committee of Five, consisting of PWOC, the Detroit Marxist-Leninist Organization (DMLO), El Comité, the Socialist Union of Baltimore (SUB), and the Potomac Socialist Organization (PSO). In June 1976 a public call was issued for a conference of Marxist-Leninists who associated themselves with an emerging “trend” in the New Communist Movement against “dogmatism”. The Committee also issued and distributed an 18-point draft of Principles of Unity for a Marxist-Leninist Conference, which was circulated in the first weeks of 1977. The two most critical of the 18 points were numbers 15 and 18. The former point identified “modern dogmatism” as “the main opportunist danger” within the party-building movement in the present period. The latter point identified U.S. imperialism as “the main enemy of the world's people”. Groups around the country which identified with this perspective became known as “the Trend.”

In February 1978, a conference of the Committee and other Trend groups formalized the creation of the Organizing Committee for an Ideological Center (OCIC) and adopted the 18 Points of Unity as amended in August. The OCIC’s aim was to lay the basis for building a new Communist Party.

PWOC and its leader, Clay Newlin, played a leading role in the OCIC. However, the pressures of trying to run a local M-L organization and a national party-building process took its toll on PWOC. In 1979 a bitter struggle broke out in PWOC over charges of racism against various members and leaders. The resulting campaign against white-chauvinism decimated the organization and had the same devastating impact when it was subsequently carried over into the OCIC. By 1982, PWOC ceased to exist.

Additional PWOC articles can be found here, here, and here.

Polemics of Other Groups

How the Philadelphia Workers’ Organizing Committee Renders the CPUSA More Profound by the Mrxist-Leninist Organizing Committee

Critique of PWOC’s Fusion and Labor Strategies by a Philadelphia Study Group

Primary Documents

On the So-called Bankruptcy of Contract Unionism [Reply to Hammerquist and Ignatin]

Building the Workers’ Party

Cover

What is The Organizer?

A Party of A New Type

The Workers’ Party and Modern Revisionism

Modern Revisionism: You Can Fool Some of the People Some of the Time... The Anti-Monopoly Coalition

Modern Revisionism: U.S.-Soviet Detente....

Black Liberation Today. Against Dogmatism on the National Question

Using The Organizer

Trade Union Question. A Communist Approach to Strategy, Tactics, and Program

Racism and the Workers’ Movement

PWOC Plenary Charts Future [The Organizer, Vol. 2, No. 1, January-March 1976]

Resolution on Party Building

PWOC Resolution on the Formation of a Women’s Liberation Commission [The Organizer, Vol. 2, No. 3, June-July 1976]

MCHR Holds Convention; Ultra Left Set Back [The Organizer, Vol. 2, No. 3, June-July 1976]

United Front Tactics in the Trade Unions [The Organizer, Vol. 2, No. 3, June-July 1976]

Mao Tse-Tung 1893-1976

Rank & File Unionism Threatens Steel Bureaucracy by Anna Gold [The Organizer, Vol. 3, No. 1, January 1977]

Sadlowski Loses USW Election by Ben Fletcher [The Organizer, Vol. 3, No. 2, February-March 1977]

Why Women Need a Vanguard Party by Sara Murphy [The Organizer, Vol. 3, No. 2, February-March 1977]

A Program to Guide Us: The Struggle Against Sexism [The Organizer, Vol. 3, No. 2, February-March 1977]

The Soviet Union and southern Africa: Friend of the Liberation Forces? by Jenny Quinn [The Organizer, Vol. 3, No. 8, October 1977]

PWOC Convention Charts Future Course

Women’s Liberation – A Revolutionary Struggle Against Capital

U.S. Rulers Divided: The Salt II Debate by Jenny Quinn and Jim Griffin

Letter to The Organizer: More on the SALT II Debate [and Organizer response]

On Party-Building, Against Revisionism and Dogmatism [Reprints from The Organizer #1]

On Trade Unions and the Rank and File Movement [Reprints from The Organizer #2]

Independent Political Action. A Marxist-Leninist Perspective [Reprints from The Organizer #3]

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Proletarian Unity League

Background Material

The Proletarian Unity League: Where We Came From, What We Look Like, What We Do by the PUL Unity Work Team

Polemics

Cover

Exposing ultra-’left’ illusions/PUL downplays international line by Irwin Silber

Party-Building Line and the Fight against “Left” Opportunism [PUL reply to Irwin Silber]

Party-building: PWOC view of the Proletarian Unity League. On theory, unity and fusion (first in a series) by Clay Newlin

Party-building: PWOC view of the Proletarian Unity League. Political line and party-building (third in a series) by Clay Newlin

Party-building: PWOC view of the Proletarian Unity League. PUL’s Distortion of the ’left’ Line (fourth in a series) by Clay Newlin

Proletarian Unity League Responds: Fusion and the “Anti-Dogmatist” Phrase

A Response to PUL: Clearing Away the Fog by Clay Newlin

OCIC Steering Committee response to the request that PUL be included in the conferences which are planned around Principle 18 as a line of demarcation with “left” opportunism

Primary Documents

“It’s Not the Bus”: Busing and the Democratic Struggle in Boston, 1974-1975

On the October League’s Call for a New Communist Party – A Response by the Proletarian Unity League

2, 3, Many Parties of a New Type? Against the Ultra-Left Line

The Ultra-Left Danger and How to Fight It. Three Articles on “Anti-Dogmatism”

Party Building and the Main Danger. An Exchange Between the Proletarian Unity League and the Committee of Five (Detroit Marxist-Leninist Organization, El Comite-M.I.N.P., Philadelphia Workers Organizing Committee, Potomac Socialist Organization, Socialist Union of Baltimore)

On The “Progressive Role” of the Soviet Union and Other Dogmas: A Further Reply to the PWOC and the Committee of Five

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Red Dawn Committee (Marxist-Leninist)

Primary Documents

Red Dawn #1 [April 1978]

Critique of OL’s Opportunism

Split in the Red Dawn

The International Situation: Concerning our Views

The Theory of Three Worlds

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Red Guard Party

The San Francisco-based Red Guard Party was founded in February 1969 and disbanded in July 1971. Influenced by the Chinese Cultural Revolution and the example of the Black Panther Party, the Red Guard Party espoused Mao Zedong thought, advocated armed struggle and viewed itself primarily as a military rather than a political organization. By 1971, this focus on military rather than political organizing and other contradictions led to the Party’s break-up, but a group of former militants went on to join I Wor Kuen.

Historical Works

History of the Red Guard Party

Red Guard on Grant Avenue by Stanford M. Lyman

Black Panthers, Red Guards, and Chinamen: Constructing Asian American Identity through Performing Blackness, 1969-1972 by Daryl J. Maeda

Yellow Power: The Formation of Asian-American Nationalism in the Age of Black Power, 1966-1975 by Jeffrey O. G. Ogbar

Primary Documents

Red Guard Program and Rules by the Red Guard Party

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Resistencia Puertorriqueña/League for Proletarian Revolution (M-L)

Resistencia Puertorriqueña began as a small group of radical Puerto Ricans in New York city who started publishing a small mimeographed newsletter, RESISTENCIA on July 25, 1970. Written exclusively in Spanish, it bore the inscription “In exile”, indicting that Puerto Ricans in the U.S. were part of the Puerto Rican nation, and as such were living “in exile”.

In July 1971, RESISTENCIA became bilingual publication and the group began to involve itself in the party building efforts of the New Communist Movement, participating in the Communist League’s National Continuations Committee. Breaking with the CL, Resistencia then gravitated toward the Revolutionary Wing of PRRWO-RWL, but soon broke with them as well. In August 1976, it renamed itself the League for Proletarian Revolution (M-L)(LPR) and began to expand its work, creating a mass organization called the National Liberation Struggles Support Committee.

In 1978 LPR drew close to another group, the Colorado Organization of Revolutionary Struggle (COReS). In 1980 the two groups merged to form the Marxist-Leninist League.

Polemics of Other Groups

A Special ATM (M-L) Polemic with Ultra-Leftism: League for Proletarian Revolution – Caught with their “Onlys” Showing

In Struggle Against Left Sectarianism: Some Experiences with L.P.R.-M.L. by the Marxist-Leninist Collective

Primary Documents

Cover

Resistencia, July 10, 1971 issue [Spanish only]

On Party Building

Voice of the Puerto Rican National Minority?

Our Views on the Communist Movement in the United States

Sum-up of the Coalition for International Working Women’ Day

OL’s Sham Attempt at Party Building

Defeat the “Left” Opportunist, Menshevik Line of PRRWO-RWL

Using Hinton as straw man: The Guardian Slanders China

League for Proletarian Revolution

W.V.O.’s Forum Backfires

Who’s Engaging in Line Struggle?

Cover

Actively Take Part in the Struggle for Party Building

Self-Determination for the Puerto Rican Nation! The Puerto Rican revolution is a two stage revolution (Part I)

Self-Determination for the Puerto Rican Nation! (Part II)

WVO’s “Unite to Expose”: A policy of class collaboration

International Communist Movement Hails Victories of China and Albania!

Independence for Puerto Rico! [Resistance. Vol. 8, No. 1, January 1977]

Comradely Polemics with ATM-ML: The Present Situation & Our Tasks

Comradely Polemics with ATM-ML, Part II: In This Period, Place All Work in the Context of Party Building

Speech at Denver Party Building Forum, March 1977

Response to RCL

WVO: from “Unite to Expose” to “Hide to Expose”

N.L.S.S.C. Defeats Liquidators

Panama: Against a Social Chauvinist Trend

Cheap Shots are not Ideological Struggle

LPR’s Views on the International Situation

On Party Building: Right Opportunism is the Main Danger

OL-CP’s “Marxist-Leninist Unity Committee” is Not the Road to Communist Unity

Reply to R.C.L.(M.L.M.): Distorting an Opposing Line is not Marxism-Leninism

Cover

On Party Building and the RCP Split. Line Struggle, or Squabble between Opportunists?

Rationale of the NLSSC

LPR(M-L) Launches Rectification Campaign

Rectify our Way of Thinking!

Rectify Our Style of Work! Combat Spontaneity

The Struggle to Rectify Continues

The Struggle in Kampuchea. Articles from the pages of Resistance!

A Repulsive Editorial: Albania Praises Vietnamese Invasion of Kampuchea and Attacks China

COReS (mlm) and LPR (m-l) On Road to Higher Unity

Danger of War & Party Building

Social Chauvinism in U.S. & Nicaraguan Revolution

Progress Report: Forward COReS-LPR merger!

COReS-LPR Joint Statement: Our work within the working class movement

LPR-ML and COReS-MLM Complete Meger – Marxist-Leninist League Founded

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Revolutionary Workers Collective

Primary Documents

A Beginning Analysis of the Woman Question

Revolutionary Workers Collective Position on the International Situation

RWC Strike Sum-Up: Party Building Tasks

RWC Strike Sum-Up: Trade Union Tasks

Organize to Defeat the Right

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Revolutionary Workers League

Cover

The Revolutionary Workers League (RWL) was formed in January 1974 from Marxist-Leninist elements active in the Youth Organization for Black Unity a nationwide student/youth organization, the Malcolm X Liberation University in Durham, North Carolina, Abdul Alkalimat’s People’s College, and the African Liberation Support Committee. At its birth, it was the largest black Marxist organization in the New Communist Movement.

While continuing to organize around support for African liberation movements and struggles in Black communities, in the period 1975-6, the RWL went through a series of internal struggles over its relationship to other new communist movement groups. Some leaders wanted the RWL to orient toward the October League and its party building process. Others favored collaboration with the Revolutionary Union as it moved toward the formation of the Revolutionary Communist Party. But the line that ultimately won out oriented the RWL toward the Puerto Rican Revolutionary Workers Organization (PRRWO), the Workers Viewpoint Organization (WVO) and the August 29th Movement, who were loosely grouped together as the Revolutionary Wing. However, sharp differences developed within the Wing itself [for more on this see here] and ultimately, while some cadre left the RWL to join WVO, in 1977, the RWL consolidated organizationally with PRRWO to create the U.S. Leninist Core.

Background Materials

Malcolm X Liberation University: An Experiment in Independent Black Education by Brent H. Belvin

Education for Liberation: Malcolm X Liberation University By Rebecca Wilson

Historical Works

The Rise and Fall of the Revolutionary Workers League by Ron “Slim” Washington

Steeled in Struggle – History of the Two Line Struggle in the RWL

Polemics

RWL and OL: Two Wings of Same Bird by the Committee for Scientific Socialism (M-L)

RWL/ALSC Appendix by the Committee for Scientific Socialism (M-L)

Wreckers Cripple African Liberation Support Committee from The Call

Primary Documents

Bolshevik, No. 1 [May 1976]

Superpowers Out of Angola. Self-Determination for the Angolan Masses!!

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Revolutionary Workers Press

The Revolutionary Workers Press was a one or two person anti-revisionist effort located in Denver, Colorado.

Primary Documents

Party Building Statement

Down with the Shah! Down with U.S. Imperialism! Down with the “Theory of Three Worlds”

Eritrea: At War with Revisionism and Soviet Social-Imperialism

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Rhode Island Student Movement

The Rhode Island Student Movement was a unit of the American Student Movement, associated with the American Communist Workers Movement (Marxist-Leninist).

Primary Documents

Meeting Announcing the Formation of Rhode Island Student Movement, Anti-Imperialist [flyer]

Jargon and the College Student

Black “Leadership” In Service to U.S. Imperialism

Progress of the Rhode Island Student Movement

Class Struggle Within the Movement is Just Fine!

Periodical

Rhode Island Student

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San Diego Organizing Committee (Marxist-Leninist)

The San Diego Organizing Committee (Marxist-Leninist) was a small Marxist-Leninist group formed in the summer of 1975. In late 1977 it dissolved with its members joining the Workers Congress (Marxist-Leninist).

Primary Documents

Cover

S.D.O.C. Introductory Statement

SDOC (M-L) Joins Iskra Effort

May Day Speech 1976

Summing Up Calif. Proposition 14: Defend the Right to Unionize

A Communist View: Contradictions in the Family

Party Building Tactics

Prop. 14 and the Struggle vs. Opportunism

SDOC (M-L) Comments: Uphold Our International Leadership!

United and Exposed: League of Struggle’s Unprincipled Conciliation with Local Bureaucrats

Winning the Vanguard to Communism

SDOC Joins Workers Congress

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San Diego Revolutionary Anti-Imperialist Collective

The San Diego Revolutionary Anti-Imperialist Collective was a small group which began life as the Ocean Beach Revolutionary Anti-Imperialist Collective. Its members, who came out out the struggles against the Vietnam War, later became involved in community organizing in the Ocean Beach neighborhood of San Diego. The group was heavily influenced by the Praire Fire Organizing Committee.

Primary Documents

Points of Unity (Draft)

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San Francisco Marxist-Leninist Organization

Primary Documents

Statement on the Symbionese Liberation Army by ex-Venceremos of San Mateo Country and the San Francisco Marxist-Leninist Organization

Against Opportunism and Amateurishness: The Struggle to Build the Party

Reply to Carl Davidson [On Loren’s The Struggle for the Party]

Proletarian Revolution and the Emancipation of Women. Two Speeches Given at a Forum on International Women’s Day in San Francisco, Sponsored by the Communist League, the San Francisco Marxist-Leninist Organization, and the League for Proletarian Revolution

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Seattle Communist Workers Group

The Seattle Communist Workers Group was a small Marxist-Leninist collective close to the Workers Congress (M-L).

Primary Documents

SCWG on the “Gang of Four”

May Day Statement

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Seattle Workers Movement

The Seattle Workers Movement was a small group under the leadership of the Seattle Branch of the Central Organization of U.S. Marxist-Leninists. It published the Seattle Worker. Also under its leadership was the Afro-Asian Latin American Solidarity Forum (Seattle) which issued a newsletter called The Patriot.

Primary Documents

In Opposition to the Opportunist Line of Certain “Free-Lance Revolutionaries” Formerly Associated with AALASF(S)

The Seattle Worker

The Patriot

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Seize The Time

Seize The Time was a small Marxist-Leninist collective in Moutain View, California active from 1973 until 1979 when it merged with the League of Revolutionary Struggle.

Primary Documents

Cover

Seize The Time newspaper, 1974-1976

Editorial: Purpose of the Paper [Seize The Time, Vol. 1, No. 1]

On Organization in the Revolutionary Movement [Seize The Time, Vol. 1, No. 2]

Mobilization, Counter-Mobilizing and the Revolutionary Movement [Seize The Time, Vol. 1, No. 4]

Against White Chauvinism: Toward Proletarian Internationalism [Seize The Time, Vol. 1, No. 4]

Struggle in VVAW/WSO [Seize The Time, Vol. 1, No. 5]

A Year of Practice [Seize The Time, Vol. 2, No. 1]

National Liberation and Propaganda [Seize The Time, Vol. 2, No. 1]

Mass Line and Scientific Socialism [Seize The Time, Vol. 2, No. 2]

The Political Line of Seize The Time [Seize The Time, Vol. 2, No. 5]

Seize the Time on the Principal Contradiction

On Bakke

Seize the Time Collective Greets the Founding of the League of Revolutionary Struggle (M-L)

Statement by Seize the Time on Uniting with the League of Revolutionary Struggle (M-L)

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Socialist Organizing Committee (Marxist-Leninist)

The Socialist Organizing Committee was formed in 1975 in Orange County, California out of a variety of groups and individuals who came out of the white new left. These included independent Marxist-Leninists, members of a Left History study group, students and teaching assistants from the University of California-Irvine, petty bourgeois intellectuals off campus, county workers, and workers in factories and the skilled building trades.

Later that year, SOC joined the New America Movement (NAM), where it struggled to promote a Marxist-Leninist line. A year later, SOC left NAM and became an independent Marxist-Leninist collective.

Historical Works

The History of the Socialist Organizing Committee

NAM and Electoral Politics: The Tom Hayden Campaign [from Notes from Orange, #1 (Fall 1977)]

The Socialist Organizing Committee, Orange County: Why We Are Leaving NAM [from Notes from Orange, #1 (Fall 1977)]

Primary Documents

Cover

What We Mean by Marxism-Leninism [from Notes from Orange, #1 (Fall 1977)]

What We Mean by the Mass Line [from Notes from Orange, #1 (Fall 1977)]

What We Mean by Revisionism [from Notes from Orange, #1 (Fall 1977)]

What We Mean by Opportunism [from Notes from Orange, #1 (Fall 1977)]

What We Mean by Pragmatism [from Notes from Orange, #1 (Fall 1977)]

What We Mean by Revisionism [from Notes from Orange, #1 (Fall 1977)]

Community Work [from Notes from Orange, #1 (Fall 1977)]

Trade Union Work

Campus Work [from Notes from Orange, #1 (Fall 1977)]

Women’s Issues [from Notes from Orange, #1 (Fall 1977)]

The Oppression of Homosexuals [from Notes from Orange, #1 (Fall 1977)]

SOC Study [from Notes from Orange, #1 (Fall 1977)]

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Venceremos

Cover

Venceremos began as a Chicano political organization in Redwood City, California in early 1969. In 1971, a split developed in the Revolutionary Union [documented in Red Papers 4]. As a result of the split, over half of the Bay Area Revolutionary Union, led by H. Bruce Franklin, one of the RU’s founders and including all the collectives from South San Francisco through Sunnyvale and some in San Jose, merged into Venceremos. The expanded organization was active in youth organizing, factory organizing and anti-imperialist struggles on Bay Area campuses.

Venceremos advocated armed self-defense, community control of the police, and reform of the prison system. To these ends, the group’s members engaged in a variety of activities, including working in prison education programs and running candidates for the Palo Alto City Council.

Venceremos broke up in 1972. Some of its former members went on to found the San Francisco Marxist-Leninist Organization in 1973, which the following year merged with the San Francisco-based League for Proletarian Revolution.

Historical Works and Background Materials

Cover

It is Right to Rebel. Local Cadre Leave the Revolutionary Union

It Is Right to Rebel, Self-Criticism

Revolutionary Union Splits Over Differences In Ideology, Tactics by Bill Evers

Venceremos Stresses Action, Not Theory by Ed Kohn

Venceremos: Action, Not Theory. University Complicity Attacked by Ed Kohn

Panther Split Precipitates Division In Venceremos by Bill Evers and Ed Kohn

Venceremos Leadership Denounces ’Racist Sissies’ by Bill Evers and Ed Kohn

Campus Venceremos Splits by Bill Evers

Venceremos Stresses ’Centralism’ by Kevin Smith

Letter: Venceremos Democracy by Peter Ober

Local Panther Group Runs ’Survival Programs’ by Gary Atkins

Reply to ’Daily’ article: Clarify Venceremos’ Position by Rick Cumings

Cover

Blood On Agnew’s Hands by Rick Cumings

The Bruce Franklin Affair by Rachelle Marshall

Internal Security Investigation: Venceremos Cited In House Report by Glenn Garvin

America’s Maoists: The RU And Venceremos by Bill Evers

Venceremos Top Committee Ousts Manganiello As Head

Beaty Disowned by Franklin

Venceremos Disbands; Group Localism Blamed by Bill Evers

Editorial: Venceremos In Retrospect by The Stanford Daily

Former Venceremos Leaders Deny Charges Of SLA Ties by Jim Wascher

Academic Freedom and the Campus Revolution: The Dismissal of H. Bruce Franklin by James D. Wascher

Polemics

Against Opportunism and Amateurishness: The Struggle to Build the Party by the San Francisco Marxist-Leninist Organization

Primary Documents

Venceremos Principles of Unity

Franklin’s Statement To Trustees

Cover

“Chairman Mao Sez” cartoons by Leif Erickson [from 100 Flowers, No. 1, Spring 1971]

Against Revisionism: In Defense of the Black Panther Party, 1966-1970

Avenge George Jackson [Pamoja Venceremos, No.8, September 1-9, 1971]

The Economics of Fascism [Pamoja Venceremos, No.8, September 1-9, 1971]

Venceremos Central Committee, circa December 1971 [photo]

Why Stanford is Trying to Fire Bruce Franklin

Franklin Trial Intensifies

Bruce Franklin Talks on Revolution

Franklin Fired

On the Freeing of Angela by the Central Committee of Venceremos

Industrial Warfare [Pamoja Venceremos, Vol. 2, No.12, June 10-24, 1972]

National Elections and the Revolutionary Movement: George McGovern – Friend or Foe?

SF Newsreel Expels Racist Leadership [Venceremos, Vol. III, No.6, May 25-June 7, 1973]

The Meaning of Watergate [Venceremos, Vol. III, No.6, May 25-June 7, 1973]

1 Out of 16 Vote for Armed Communist Revolution [Venceremos, Vol. III, No.6, May 25-June 7, 1973]

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Wei Min She

Cover

Wei Min She was a Marxist-Leninist Organization based in the San Francisco Bay Area. It had it origins in the Asian Community Center (ACC), which had been created by the Berkeley Asian American Political Alliance in March 1970. In 1972, the ACC decided to become an explicitly revolutionary, anti-imperialist organization and renamed itself Wei Min She (Organization of the People).

Initially primarily a community-focused group, active in labor and neighborhood struggles in San Francisco’s Chinatown, Wei Min She gradually developed into a Marxist-Leninist cadre organization.

In 1973-74, Wei Min She had sharp differences with I Wor Kuen, the other Marxist-Leninist group active in San Francisco’s Chinatown. In this same period it drew close to the Revolutionary Union, ultimately merging with it when the RU became the Revolutionary Communist Party in 1975.

Background Materials and Polemics

History of Wei Min She by I Wor Kuen

Opportunism in the Asian Movement – Wei Min She/Revolutionary Union by I Wor Kuen

On Wei Min She’s “Reactionary Line” by I Wor Kuen

Primary Documents

What is Wei Min She?

Asian Contingent Solidarity Statement by Wei Min She and others

I Wor Kuen’s Reactionary Line on May Day and the Workers’ Movement. Wei Min She Reply to IWK Criticism of l974 May Day Asian Contingent Statement

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Witchita Communist Cell

The Witchita Communist Cell (WCC) was a small Marxist-Leninist group which developed in Witchita, Kansas out of the mass anti-war and anti-imperialist movements of the 60’s and 70’s. Beginning with a series of M-L study circles, it was formally established in the Fall of 1976.

In 1977, the WCC rejected the “theory of three worlds” and accepted the Party of Labor of Albania as the leading center in the international communist movement. The following year, working with two other Kansas M-L groups – the Kansas City Revolutionary Workers Collective and the Kansas Collective for Proletarian Revolution – the WCC attempted to unite various other pro-Albania groups in party building. In particular, in early 1979, the WCC issued a call for a multilateral conference on party building. It seems that this effort was unsuccessful and the conference does not appear to have been held.

In 1980 the Witchita Communist Cell changed its name to the Kansas City Marxist-Leninist Cell. The following year, in August, it merged with the Kansas City Revolutionary Workers Collective to form the Organization for a Marxist-Leninist Workers’ Party U.S.A.

Historical Background Materials

History of the Witchita Communist Cell [from the pamphlet The Building of the Vanguard Party of the U.S. Proletariat]

Primary Documents

Let’s Move Party Building Forward. Collective Party Building line of Kansas Collective for Proletarian Revolution, Kansas City Revolutionary Workers Collective, Wichita Communist Cell

Against the Revisionist Take-Over in China: In Defense of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tse-Tung Thought and Proletarian Revolution

Announcement of a Multilateral Conference (MULC) on Party Building

The Building of the Vanguard Party of the U.S. Proletariat by the Kansas City Revolutionary Workers Collective and Witchita Communist Cell

Toward the Development of the International Marxist-Leninist Trend: A Contribution to the Criticism of the Revisionism-Centrism of Mao Zedong Thought and the Party of Labor of Albania by the Kansas City Marxist-Leninist Cell and the Kansas City Revolutionary Workers Collective

Letter to All Participants of the November 8, 1980 Forum in New York by the Kansas City Marxist-Leninist Cell and Kansas City Revolutionary Workers’ Collective

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Worker-Student Organizing Collective

The Worker-Student Organizing Committee was a small Marxist-Leninist group active in New York City in the mid-1970s.

Primary Documents

Principles of Unity – Worker-Student Organizing Collective (WSOC)

The Trade Union Movement: A Marxist Analysis

Cutbacks in N.Y.C.

Women: the struggle for liberation

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Worker Unity Organization

The Worker Unity Organization was a small collective in St. Louis, Missouri. In the mid-1970s it was briefly a part of the Sojouner Truth Organization’s Federation of Marxist-Leninist Organizations. After leaving the Federation it oriented itself to the Organizing Committee for an Ideological Center.

Primary Documents

Cover

What We Believe [On The Line, #1, n.d.]

Life in China. A St. Louisan’s impressions [On The Line, #9, n.d.]

China: Health Care Serves the People [On The Line, #15, October 1973]

Racism: Still a Problem? [On The Line, #18, May 1974]

Worker Unity Viewpoint: Socialism: Working People’s Economy [On The Line, #19, July 1974]

Worker Unity Viewpoint: Socialism and Freedom [On The Line, #20, October 1974]

Worker Unity Viewpoint: Socialism in Russia [On The Line, #21, December 1974]

Workers’ Solidarity Day flyer [February 1975]

American Describes Chinese Factory Life [On The Line, #23, April 1975]

Who We Are [On The Line, #25, August 1975]

Sharing Under Socialism: Rationing [On The Line, #25, August 1975]

Angola: Fight For Freedom [On The Line, #27, December 1975]

Who We Are [On The Line, #28, March 1976]

National Black Assembly Meets: Which Way in ’76 [On The Line, #28, March 1976]

Hard Times in Chicago: National Conference on Economic Crisis [On The Line, #28, March 1976]

Notes for the February 1978 [OCIC] Conference

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Workers Viewpoint Organization

Cover

The Asian Study Group (ASG) was formed in the early 1970s by Jerry Tung, who had formerly been a member of the Progressive Labor Party. Initially, ASG consisted primarily of Asian-Americans in New York's Chinatown. In 1976, the group changed its name to the Workers Viewpoint Organization (WVO) when it merged with a group in Philadelphia called Yellow Seeds. WVO launched Asian-Americans for Equal Employment and actively competed with other Chinese Marxist-Leninist groups in the community.

Through its participation in national party building activities including, for a brief time, the “Revolutionary Wing”, WVO was able to attract members from other groups, including some active former members of the Revolutionary Workers League.

In October 1979, with several hundred members, WVO would change its name to the Communist Workers Party.

Historical Works

Short History of Yellow Seeds in Philadelphia, 1972-1977

Polemics of Other Groups

“Workers Viewpoint”: Spreading the Viewpoint of the Bourgeoisie by the October League (Marxist-Leninist)

W.V.O.’s Forum Backfires by Resistencia Puertorriqueña

Workers Viewpoint Organization Undermining Arab Unity from The Call

WVO’s “Unite to Expose”: A poiicy of class collaboration by the League for Proletarian Revolution (M-L)

WVO Proclaims Itself General Staff by the August 29th Movement

W.V.O. Kicked Out Of Chicago Forum: National Movements – Main Allies of the Working Class by the August 29th Movement

WVO: from “Unite to Expose” to “Hide to Expose” by the League for Proletarian Revolution (M-L)

Primary Documents

Better Defender of the Bourgeoisie than the Bourgeoisie Itself – On the ’Communist’ League

Marxism or American Pragmatism? The Right Opportunist Line of the R.U.

Cover

United Front against Monopoly Capitalism or United Front against Fascism – Watergate and Fascism ....

Party Building and Anti-revisionist Premises

The October League: A Most Dangerous Revisionist Trend in U.S. Communist Movement

The Boston Forced Busing Plan: The Dialectics of Bourgeois Formal Democracy and Fascism

Periods and Types of National Questions

Racism, Nationalism and Race Theory: Relations Between Material Base and Ideology

Liquidationism on the Afro-American Nation: CPUSA, 1919-1940

To the Forefront of Struggle: Crucial Tasks of Communists in the Economic Crisis

April 26: “C”PUSA and All Reactionaries Say “It’s Terrible,” & We Say “It’s Fine”

Culture and Fascism

Degenerate Culture and the Women’s Question

Philistinism of the PRRWO & RWL Exposed!

PRRWO: Anarcho-Socialism U.S.A. Expose PRRWO’s Hustlerism!

Workers Viewpoint Newspaper May Day 1975 Supplement

On Angola: Guardian Fully Degenerated, No Longer in the Communist Movement

Bicentennial: Fight Imperialism & Opportunism

RCP Helps Ruling Class “Celebrate” Bicentennial

Dying Screams of the PRRWO/RWL Clique and Responding Echoes from Assorted Opportunists

Miners’ Struggle Surges Forward. October League Wags Tail for New Misleaders

WVO Position Paper submitted to ALSC National Conference 8/76: Build ALSC into a Mass Fighting Organization

October League’s Organizing Committee Forums: ’Unity Trend’ Hangs Itself!

Cover

Reprint of WVO Leaflet for OLOC Forum

Bourgeoisie Attacks WVO in Frenzy! Advance Our Work Forward!

ATM: Social Democrats from the National Movement. Competes with OL to be the Vanguard of the Petty Bourgeoisie

Strategy and Tactics: OL & RCP Revise Marxism on the International Situation

RCP Discovers ’Theory in its Own Right’

Nicholaus vs OL: A Menshevik’s Criticism of Menshevism

Practice Theory, Mass Line, Self-Criticism: Surest Road to Correct Leadership of the Youth & Student Struggle

October League’s Organizing Committee Doomed from the Start

Formation of the Genuine Communist Party is Single Greatest Step Towards Fusion!

ALSC: RWC Paves Way for RCP Takeover

RCP: Reversing Verdict on Soviet Social Imperialism is Total Treachery

The October League – Revisionist to the Bone. Touched to Their Soul by the Bourgeoisie

Auto workers on the move against capitalism! [WVO’s Auto Bulletin #5]

Revolution Mills – Workers Determined to Organize a Fighting Rank and File Union! Workers Defend WVO – Reject Bankrupt RCP

Revolutionary Youth League Founded! WVO Unites Communist Youth to Build Communist Leadership of R.Y.L.

Rebuild ALSC by Correcting Methods of Leadership

Defend Zaire’s Sovereignty! Soviet Social Imperialists Back Invasion

Cover

N.Y. May Day: 1000 Strong, Workers March Led by WVO: Major Speech from Central Committee of WVO

RCP Exposed!

Grasp Lessons of Historic May Day 1977

Broad Horizons–Blitz Campaigns: The Trade Union Education League

Blackout Sheds Light on RCP’s Chauvinism

WVO Holds Nationwide Commemoration For Chairman Mao

Chairman Mao, Live Like Him, Dare to Struggle, Dare to Win! [WVO speech at Mao Commemoration, September 10, 1977]

Trade Union Educational League Founding Convention: Big Leap in Forging Leadership in the Trade Union Movement

Excerpts from WVO Speech at TUEL Founding Convention

Sum-Up, Study and Self-Criticism on the Mass Line Question

Periodicals

Yellow Seeds newspaper, 1972-1975 [thanks to Tamara K. Nopper]

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